Mon Jan 16 1865 Edaward Cardwell, British Colonial Secretary, writes LT-Governor W G Hamley, Bermuda "I have to acknowledge your dispatch of the 28th October, relating to the arrest and release of Captain Braine and other persons concerned in the capture of the U. S. vessel Roanoke. I am of opinion that (subject to the question which appears to have existed as to the magistrates jurisdiction) Captain Braine and the men under his orders were properly arrested upon the charge of piracy, but 1 also think that the attorney-general properly withdrew the charge upon the production of the commission to Captain Braine from the Confederate Government, as I am advised that these persons could not have been delivered up under the extradition treaty to the consul of the United States, even if his application had been made in proper form. You appear to be fully alive to the necessity of enforcing the provisions of the foreign-enlistment act, and it is therefore unnecessary for me to observe on the evasions and infringements of that act which, in spite of the efforts of your Government, appear to be practiced in Bermuda. The circumstances of this case require that I should again impress upon you the duty of enforcing stringently her Majesty's orders against the entrance of prizes taken by either belligerent within the territorial waters of her Majesty."
CDR Foxhall A Parker, Potomac Flotilla, writes SECNAV "I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th instant, in relation to the plan of the rebels to blow up the Roanoke, and report that I have for some time past had two vessels cruising off the mouth of the Wicomico and two off the mouth of the Coan and Yeocomico rivers, the direction from which I should expect the attack." In a second letter he writes "I have the honor to report that the U. S. S. Banshee has reported for duty in the Potomac Flotilla."
LCDR William N Jeffers, Inspector of Ordnance, writes CDR H A Wise, Bureau of Ordnance, "I herewith forward a description of the explosion vessel Louisiana, with all the arrangements made by Major Rodman and myself, in accordance with the directions of the Bureau, and opinion of the ordnance and other officers who were consulted with regard to the probable effects of the explosion on Fort Fisher, and the means of causing it to take effect." The enclosure reads " Preparation of the vessel. The iron gunboat Louisiana, a propeller of 295 tons burden, 150 [145.2] feet long, 22 [27.32] feet beam, and 8.1 feet depth of hold, 8 to 8½ feet draft when loaded, formerly employed in the Atchafalaya cotton trade, was selected and was in every respect suitable for the purpose, except (as was subsequently found to be the case) in capacity for carrying the desired quantity of powder on the given draft. She was taken to Norfolk, her battery and appurtenances, masts and part of the deck house removed, leaving only sufficient to shelter the officers, men in charge, the berth deck and holds cleared of fittings, and, in short, all unnecessary weights removed. The engines, boilers, and coal bunkers, with 40 tons of coal, occupied the after third of the vessel, separated by a bulkhead from the remainder. Before putting the powder on board the vessel was very much by the stern. The space below the spar deck available for stowage was divided by a bulkhead extending athwart the, forward of the boiler bulkheads, into two parts - one, the after hold, used formerly as an additional coal bunker, about 15 feet in length, 22 feet wide, and 10 feet in depth from the spar deck to the keelson, accessible by a hatch 4 feet square; the space forward of this, formerly the berth deck, about 40 feet long by 22 feet wide and 4½ feet deep under the beams, with a hold beneath it of the same dimensions. Access to this was obtained by a hatch of 4 by 5 feet. A small store room and chain locker occupied the extreme bow of the vessel. After her masts and fittings were removed a house was built on deck, occupying the extreme width of the vessel, 22 feet, and 70 feet in length, extending aft over the hold and apparently over the boiler, 8 feet in height. This house was built of three- quarters inch stuff, cov- ered with canvas, painted to render it waterproof, a light grating laid over the spar deck to protect the powder in case of leakage, and bat- tens or furring put around the sides to prevent contact with the iron sides. I requested, and I was joined in this by Major Rodman, that large scuttles should be cut in the deck at the forward end of this house, communicating with the berth deck. This was considered unnecessary, but I bored some holes instead. It was stated that the Louisiana could carry on 8½ feet draft 290 tons of coal in addition to her armament, stores, and crew, which, if correct, would permit the stowage of 300 tons of explosive material on the same displacement, and for which it will be readily seen there was ample room. Stowage of the powder. In order to produce the greatest possible effect in a lateral direction it was necessary to keep as much of the powder as possible, consistent with stability and safety at sea, above the water line. No powder was, therefore, stowed in the hold beneath the berth deck. The berth deck was filled with powder stowed in bags (sand bags obtained from the engineers) containing about 50 pounds each. About 100 tons were placed on this deck. The after hold or coal bunker was stowed first with two tiers of full barrels, with their upper heads out, and the stowage completed with bags. The barrels were put in in order to keep the bags well up out of reach of any dampness in case of leakage. The remainder of the powder put on board at Norfolk, making in all 185 tons, was stowed against the after bulkhead of the deck house, and filled the space over the boiler, extending as far as the hatch to the after hold or coal bunker, leaving about four-fifths of the space in the deck house empty. When this quantity of powder had been stowed, it was decided that the vessel was quite as deep as desirable for making the voyage to Beaufort; furthermore, the weather, which had been very unsettled, appeared favorable for the voyage, and it was determined to sail without the remainder, which was to be put on board there. I have no information with respect to the quantity afterwards put on board. In the evening, before the vessel sailed, I was advised of the names of the officers who were to take charge of her, and the next morning went on board the Louisiana to explain to them the proposed arrangements, when they shortly appeared. As, according to the programme, the trains were to be laid in the upper outer layer of bags in the deck house, none of which were stowed when the vessel left Craney Island, the execution of this part was confided to the officers (Commander Rhind and Lieutenant S. W. Preston) who were to take charge of her. All of these details were as fully explained as the limited time allowed me would admit; the clocks put in position, a rough diagram of the vessel and a written description of the proposed mode of laying the trains furnished. I did not know until the evening previous to the sailing of the vessel who was to command her; and I used my own discretion, knowing that any desired changes could be readily made to suit any other views. Mode of exploding the powder. When the probable effects of the explosion were under discussion, it was the unanimous opinion of the experts in ordnance that, to produce the maximum effect, the fire should be communicated and the explosion take place in many points simultaneously, all the accounts of accidental explosions of large quantities of powder agreeing that large quantities of unconsumed powder were blown away from the focus of ignition, causing a great reduction of effect. Electricity was proposed as offering the most probable means of securing this result; but as this agent is known to be very unreliable in action, it was determined to use several clockwork arrangements, a a slow match, and finally to set the vessel on fire to insure an ultimate explosion, and not bestow so large a quantity of material on the enemy in the event of a failure of one or more of the modes of exploding it. The arrangement of the clockwork being confided to me, I made a very simple one. Removing the face and hands of an ordinary marine clock, I secured to the arbor of the minute hand a small cylinder with four pins set into the circumference, and equidistant; that is, fifteen minutes of time apart. Three clocks were thus arranged. These clocks were secured to a board; by the side of the clock a copper tube was secured, in the bottom of which was brazed a mass of metal with a common musket cone screwed into it, to be capped with a percussion cap. A. grapeshot - weight, 2 pounds; diameter, 2.5 inches - was attached to one end of a piece of catgut, which was led through an eyebolt at the top of the tube, and hooked by a loop in the other end, over one of the pins on the clock cylinder. It is easy to see that by the revolution of the cylinder the loop would slip off; the grapeshot drop, and the explosion of the cap take place in fifteen minutes, thirty minutes, forty-five minutes, or sixty minutes, as desired; this it never failed to do in many trials. I frequently set the three clocks going, and the explosions occurred within two minutes of each other at the end of an hour. To determine the time of explosion, it was only
necessary to put the loop over the proper pin, remove a stop, and set the apparatus in motion. Major Rodman arranged with great care, and after numerous experiments, to insure safety and certainty, the slow matches, six in number, which were to be distributed in as many places. Arrangements made to insure Simultaneous ignition in several points. In the event of the electricity failing, the clocks were to be the next dependence; it was therefore necessary to so distribute them that in case the vessel was boarded from the shore they could not be conveniently reached; and also to lead the flame rapidly to many points. This, it was proposed to accomplish by the aid of the "Gomez fuze train," which is incomparably quicker in its action than the flame of gunpowder, approximating electricity. From each clock and each slow match this train was to be laid through the exterior layers of bags in the deck house and into each hatch- and, in order to secure this simultaneous ignition in many places, the fuze train from each of the clocks was to be grafted into the other fuze trains from each of the other clocks at all points of crossing. By the report of Admiral Porter it would appear that the powder was finally exploded from the effects of a fire kindled in the forecastle. No results of value were to be expected from this mode. It was proposed only as a final resort in order to prevent the vessel in any contingency from falling into the hands of the enemy. It was certain that the greater portion of the powder would be blown away if ignited in a single point, and the effect very munch diminished. The three explosions spoken of are readily accounted for - the deck house the after hold, and the berth deck would take fire in succession if ignited at one point. I can not in any way account for the failure of the clocks, if set to the proper time, except on the supposition that possibly the turn on the cylinder may have been taken the wrong way, and instead of unwinding they wound up the balls. I am not aware that any attempt was made to use the electric wire, but it was not favorably considered by those charged with the execution of the plan. Mr. Beardslee, who was to undertake this matter, came to Norfolk, made himself acquainted with the requirements, and returned to New York to obtain the necessary means, but had not reached Norfolk when the vessel sailed. A part of the programme required that the vessel should be grounded, which appears not to have been the case. No very sanguine expectations were entertained of a successful result unless the vessel could be placed within 300 yards, and then only after all the precautions had been taken to insure a maximum effect."
RADM Jonathan Dahlgren, South Atlantic Blockading Squadron, writes SECNAV "I regret to inform the Department of the destruction of the U. S. monitor Patapsco by a torpedo last night about 8 o'clock near the entrance to the lower harbor of Charleston. At the time of the occurrence this vessel was the picket monitor of the nlght, and was underway engaged in covering the scout and picket boats that were searching the channel for obstructions and torpedoes. A court of enquiry has been ordered, to ascertain all the circumstances connected with this disaster, and the result will be laid before the Department when arrived at. Meanwhile, for the present satisfaction of the Department, I will narrate some of the events that immediately preceded or were connected with the loss of the Patapsco, and such of the incidents attending it as have come to my knowledge or were under my observation. I parted from General Sherman at Savannah on the afternoon of Friday, the 13th, with an understanding as to the movements he was to make, and a request that General Foster and myself should make as much impression on Charleston as our force permitted, but the general did not desire that they should go so far as to commit my vessels to a decisive attack on the batteries. As the period when this was likely to occur left me very little time for preparation, I hastened to Charleston, stopping at Port Royal only the afternoon of Saturday for the purpose of leaving directions for the steamers that might assist in the movements of General Sherman while near the waters in the vicinity. It was about 8 o'clock on the morning of the 15th when I reached Charleston, and immediately called on board Captain Scott, the senior officer, and the commanders of the monitors, in order to apprise them of what was likely to occur and of the necessity for, hastening such preparations as might be necessary, or the time allowed. The morning passed in conversing on the subject, and a free expression of opinion was entered into and given by Captain Scott and all the captains of the monitors, Captains Quackenbush, Semmes, Lewis, Barrett, Stone, Mayo, and Fillebrown. Fleet Captain Bradford was also present. I drew to their attention the different modes of operating with the ironclads, from a mere demonstration upon Sullivans Island to the decisive measure of forcing their way to the city. This, however, was left to be decided by the arrival of the ironclads from the North Atlantic Squadron, which might be expected, and by the strength of the cooperating force under General Foster, and by the circumstances that might arise in the course of events. I desired, as a preliminary measure, that the channel at the entrance of the harbor should be thoroughly examined; and to make this more sure required the commanders of the advanced monitors to give their personal attention to the duty, which hitherto had been intrusted to the scout boats. There were representations from various quarters that obstructions had been laid across the channel from Sumter, and it was important to know if this were true, and, if so, their nature and extent, with directions for their removal by explosion. Captain Scott was directed to furnish all the facilities in his power for the service. Steam tugs, boats, men, grapnels, hawsers, etc., and other orders were given, so as to prepare as well as possible all the means at disposal for the cooperation with General Sherman. After a long and full interview with the naval commanders, as above mentioned, I went ashore, accompanied by Lieutenant-Commander Matthews, and, with General Schimmelfennig, visited the works at the extreme of Morris Island, in order to possess myself of a full view of the channel and rebel works from that direction and to note any important changes. All was quiet and undisturbed. Within near range was Sumter, and a little farther the heavy batteries of Johnson and Sullivan's Island, and in the distance the dwellings and spires of the city, but not a vessel or living thing was to be seen on the waters of the harbor nor about the batteries. Outside lay the Union fleet quietly at anchor. Returning late, the evening passed away in business of the squadron, and then, much fatigued with continued exertion night and day for several days, I fell asleep, from which I was aroused about 11 o'clock by the entrance of Captain Quackenbush and his first lieutenant, who announced the loss of the Patapsco. The advanced duty of the night had devolved on the Patapsco and Lehigh. The latter was at anchor in the advance at the reserve station. The Patapsco got underway and proceed!d up the harbor about dark for duty as picket monitor of the night, and passed on to the usual station some 500 yards farther than the Lehigh. Here she rounded to, head downstream and to the flood tide. From this point Captain Quackenbush suffered the Patapsco to drift with the tide, as the best mode of controlling the vessel and covering the operations of the boats. Three scout boats, with grapnel drags, were now slowly pushed on, while two tugs steamed about the bows of the Patapsco and six or seven picket boats were pulling on her quarters or beam. In due time the Patapsco found herself so far up as to be nearly on a line drawn from Sumter to Moultrie, when she steamed down to the vicinity of a buoy, known as the Lehigh, because it marked a projecting shoal where the Lehigh had grounded about a year ago. Here the engines were stopped, and the Patapsco again drifted up. When near the former position she steamed back, approached the Lehigh buoy, stopped engine, and again drifted up. When near Sumter Captain Quackenbush steamed down once more, and for the last time. While approaching the Lehigh buoy, there was a shock, a sound of explosion, a cloud of smoke on the port side, and in less than half a minute the Patapsco's deck was under the surface. Captain Quackenbush and his first lieutenant were standing on the top of the turret looking to the course of the vessel, for she had grounded once already on the shoal near the Lehigh buoy when standing down the first time. They saw and heard only what is stated above. The captain gave the order to start the pumps and lower the boats, but scarcely a whole minute was allowed for the least effort. Five officers and 38 men were saved; 62 officers and men are miss- ing. The survivors were those who happened to be on deck, and 2 men from the windlass room, 3 from the berth deck, 1 from the turret chamber, and nearly all those who were in the fire room. Their names are annexed. From such accounts as I can gather in so short a time as has elapsed, it would seem that the explosion occurred on the port side under the wardroom, blowing it up, so as to drive up the table and three officers who were sitting about it. The spar deck was not blown through, but the lookout on the port side, and some 10 feet from the edge of the deck, was thrown up suddenly and fell back with such force as to be nearly senseless. His rifle exploded and he was aware that the ball passed near him. A man in the windlass room saw a flash and heard a sound like that of a shell near him. The lamp was extinguished; he heard the water coming in, and escaped up the hatch on deck. It appears also that there was no disrupture of the vessel at the berth deck nor farther aft; that no water came in there save at the hatches, as the Patapseo settled in the sea, and that her bow went down first, throwing the stern high up for an instant, so that a man standing there had to grasp at something to keep upright. It is believed that the berth-deck ladder was dislodged by the shock and in the panic could not be replaced, hence no men there were saved except those who rushed aft into the fire room. The Lehigh had got underway when the Patapsco passed, and followed her movements in drifting and steaming, but did not go so far up and retained her position assigned as a support. She anchored near the Lehigh buoy about 7:45, and some twenty or twenty-five mmutes later heard an unusual but not very loud report, saw a cloud of smoke, lost sight of the Patapsco, which previously had been dimly visible through the obscurity of the night, then heard mens voices as if from the water, and fearing something wrong, sent her boats to the Patapsco and weighed anchor. The disaster soon became known. The top of the Patapscos smoke pipe is seen above the water, but as yet there has not been leisure to determine the precise position relatively to other objects. It is stated as 600 to 800 yards from Sumter and below it. The Patapsco had her torpedo fenders and netting stretched as usual around her. Three boats with drags had preceded her, searching to some depth the water they had passed over, while steam tugs and several boats were in different positions on the bow beam and quarter. No one who has not witnessed it can appreciate the harassing nature of the never-ceasing vigilance with which the monitor duty is sustained in this harbor, no matter what the weather may be - amid the heat of summer and the cold of winter, or the heavy gales and bad weather which so often visit this anchorage. Most minute instructions have been given and repeated in regard to rebel torpedoes, and nothing more can be done to bar the chance of accident, save permanent torpedo catchers, substantially made and attached to the bows, so as to be entirely submerged and thus not to be exposed to shot in action. This can not be done here, and it may be that the fruitful invention of Mr. Ericsson may supply the desideratum. Objects on the water, supposed to represent the obstructions, are reported to me to-day as extending across from Sumter. Three rebel ironclads are just reported to me as distinctly seen in the Cooper River, while the fourth has a large number of men busy about her, and smoke is said to issue from her pipes as if steam were up. This is stated to appear much larger than the other three. Four torpedo boats are said by deserters to be ready for service, and upon them, in the confusion of action, as well as the torpedoes in the water and at the bows of the ironclads, the rebels are said to rely chiefly. It may be their intention, if Charleston must fall, to try the chances of battle, as rather more respectable than blowing them up. Of the six which I have here, one or two are always under some repair, and the Sangamon, now at Port Royal, can not be ready before the 31st. Nothing further has reached me of the actual movements of General Sherman, but he will not remain in present position much longer. I would draw to the attention of the Department the fact that there is no need now of vessels to maintain the blockade at Ossabaw. Wassaw, and Savannah River, yet that our positions at Wassaw and Savannah will have to be maintained and the blockade at Ossabaw resumed as soon as our forces move, for our line rests at the left on Thunderbolt, and when the army moves, leaving a garrison to hold Savannah, the rebels may be expected to show themselves on the front. More effective vessels must therefore be maintained at those places than heretofore. I write hastily, so as to use the opportunity offered by the departure of a steamer of Admiral Porter's fleet. Will the Department please to order a few more tugs for Service in this squadron, as well as a few more launches? They are much needed."
CAPT Thornton A Jenkins, 1st Division, West Gulf Blockading Squadron, writes LCDR W W Low, SOPA Upper Fleet, Mobile Bay "You will be pleased to avail yourself of the first flag-of-truce boat that may be sent out by the rebels to inform the person in charge of her that it having been observed that, disregarding the notification that no letters would be received except those for or from prisoners of war and official communications to the commanding officer, many letters of private persons, as well as of those claiming to hold official positions among the rebels, have been found in the bundles marked prisoners letters, which, if repeated, will be followed by a positive order prohibiting the transmission of any letters by flag of truce except those addressed to the commanding naval officers though the lines within the limits of my command. The recent attempt to smuggle letters under a flag of truce could not well be too harshly characterized."
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